軍校演講稿3篇

　　president obama: thank you. thank you so much. thank you. thank you, general caslen, for that introduction. general trainor, general clarke, faculty and staff at west point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the united states army.

　　美國總統(tǒng)奧巴馬：謝謝!非常感謝!謝謝!謝謝卡斯蘭將軍的介紹!特雷納將軍、克拉克將軍、西點(diǎn)軍校的教職工們，你們一直以來都是這所令人自豪的學(xué)府的優(yōu)秀管理者，也是美國陸軍新晉軍官的杰出導(dǎo)師。

　　i’d like to acknowledge the army’s leadership -- general mchugh -- secretary mchugh, general odierno, as well as senator jack reed who is here and a proud graduate of west point himself. to the class of , i congratulate you on taking your place on the long gray line.

　　我要向陸軍領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層表示感謝，包括陸軍部長麥克休將軍以及參謀長奧迪耶諾將軍，同時也要感謝到場的杰克-里德參議員，他是西點(diǎn)軍校引以為榮的畢業(yè)生之一。XX級的畢業(yè)生們，祝賀你們承接了西點(diǎn)軍魂的使命。

　　among you is the first all-female command team: erin mauldin and austen boroff. in calla glavin, you have a rhodes scholar, and josh herbeck proves that west point accuracy extends beyond the three point line. (laughter.)

　　在你們當(dāng)中，有美國首支女子指揮團(tuán)隊(duì)，包括艾琳-墨登和奧斯丁-波洛夫�？ɡ�-格萊文展現(xiàn)了一位羅茲學(xué)者的風(fēng)采，而喬希-赫貝克則證明了西點(diǎn)的精準(zhǔn)度遠(yuǎn)在三分線之外。(笑聲)

　　to the entire class, let me reassure you in these final hours at west point, as commander in chief, i hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses. (laughter, applause.)

　　全體學(xué)員們，請安心度過你們在西點(diǎn)的最后時光，我以最高統(tǒng)帥的名義在此赦免所有因犯輕罪而關(guān)禁閉的學(xué)員。(笑聲、掌聲)

　　let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when i was in school.

　　容我說一句，我當(dāng)學(xué)生的時候，可從未有人這么做過。

　　i know you join me in extending a word of thanks to your families. joe demoss, whose son james is graduating, spoke for a whole lot of parents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made. “deep inside,” he wrote, “we want to explode with pride at what they are committing to do in the service of our country.” like several graduates, james is a combat veteran, and i would ask all of us here today to stand and pay tribute not only to the veterans among us, but to the more than 2.5 million americans who have served in iraq and afghanistan, as well as their families. (applause.)

　　我知道，你們和我一樣都要向自己的家人表示感謝。喬-狄摩斯是本屆畢業(yè)生詹姆斯的父親，他給我來信講訴你們所作出的犧牲，也道出了許多父母的心聲。他寫道：“在我們的內(nèi)心深處，我們?yōu)樗麄兞⒅緢?bào)效國家而感到無比自豪。”和多位畢業(yè)生一樣，詹姆斯也是位戰(zhàn)場老兵。我請今天在座的各位起立，向我們當(dāng)中的老兵，也向250多萬曾在伊拉克和阿富汗服役的美國人及其家屬致敬。(掌聲)

　　it is a particularly useful time for america to reflect on those who’ve sacrificed so much for our freedom, a few days after memorial day. you are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who may not be sent into combat in iraq or afghanistan. (cheers, applause.)

　　這是繼數(shù)天前陣亡將士紀(jì)念日后的又一個極有意義的時刻，讓美國人民得以回想那些為我們的自由作出巨大犧牲的英雄。你們將是自911恐怖襲擊以來，第一屆不會被派到伊拉克或阿富汗參戰(zhàn)的畢業(yè)生。(歡呼聲、掌聲)

　　when i first spoke at west point in , we still had more than 100,000 troops in iraq. we were preparing to surge in afghanistan. our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al-qaida’s core leadership -- those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks. and our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the great depression.

　　XX年，我首次在西點(diǎn)發(fā)表演講時，我們?nèi)杂?0萬多名士兵駐扎在伊拉克，也正準(zhǔn)備增兵阿富汗。而我們的反恐重心則是基地組織的核心頭目——正是他們發(fā)動了911恐怖襲擊。此外，我們的國家正開始一段擺脫大蕭條以來最嚴(yán)重經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的漫長歷程。

　　four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed. we have removed our troops from iraq. we are winding down our war in afghanistan. al-qaida’s leadership on the border region between pakistan and afghanistan has been decimated, and osama bin laden is no more. (cheers, applause.) and through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of american strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home.

　　四年半以后，就在你們畢業(yè)之際，情況已發(fā)生了轉(zhuǎn)變。我們已從伊拉克撤軍，正逐步結(jié)束阿富汗的戰(zhàn)爭。潛伏在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區(qū)的基地組織頭目已被斬草除根，而奧薩馬-本-拉登也早已命喪黃泉。(歡呼聲、掌聲)在經(jīng)歷了這一切之后，我們又將關(guān)注重心調(diào)整到美國實(shí)力的重要源頭上來，這個源頭就是不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì)，為每一個愿意努力工作并愿意承擔(dān)起家國責(zé)任的人提供機(jī)會。

　　in fact, by most measures america has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world. those who argue otherwise -- who suggest that america is in decline or has seen its global leadership slip away -- are either misreading history or engaged in partisan politics.

　　事實(shí)上，與世界上其他國家相比，美國在很多方面都處于強(qiáng)勢地位。有些人持不同觀點(diǎn)，他們認(rèn)為美國正在衰弱或正失去世界的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位，這些人不是對歷史存在誤讀，就是陷入了黨派政治的泥潭。

　　think about it. our military has no peer. the odds of a direct threat against us by any nation are low, and do not come close to the dangers we faced during the cold war. meanwhile, our economy remains the most dynamic on earth, our businesses the most innovative. each year, we grow more energy independent. from europe to asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaled in the history of nations.

　　你們想一想，我們的軍隊(duì)天下無敵，任何國家對我們構(gòu)成直接威脅的幾率極小，而且與我們在冷戰(zhàn)時期所面臨的危險相差甚遠(yuǎn)。同時，我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)活力仍居世界第一，企業(yè)的創(chuàng)新性也名列前茅。我們的能源獨(dú)立性都在逐年增強(qiáng)。從歐洲到亞洲，我們是各國有史以來無人能敵的聯(lián)盟軸心。

　　america continues to attract striving immigrants. the values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the globe. and when a typhoon hits the philippines, or schoolgirls are kidnapped in nigeria, or masked men occupy a building in ukraine, it is america that the world looks to for help. (applause.) so the united states is and remains the one indispensable nation. that has been true for the century past, and it will be true for the century to come.

　　美國將繼續(xù)吸納奮發(fā)圖強(qiáng)的外國移民。我們的建國理念激勵著各國議會的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，也激勵著世界各地在公共廣場上發(fā)起的新運(yùn)動。當(dāng)臺風(fēng)襲擊菲律賓的時候，當(dāng)尼日利亞女學(xué)生遭到綁架的時候，當(dāng)蒙面歹徒攻占烏克蘭政府大樓的時候，全世界都翹首以待美國的援助之手。(掌聲)因此，美國始終是一個無可取代的國家，上個世紀(jì)如此，下個世紀(jì)亦是如此。

　　but the world is changing with accelerating speed. this presents opportunity, but also new dangers. we know all too well, after 9/11, just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states in the hands of individuals, raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm.

　　但是，如今的世界瞬息萬變。這為我們帶來了機(jī)遇，也帶來了新的危險。911恐怖襲擊事件讓我們清楚地認(rèn)識到，科技和全球化發(fā)展是如何讓原本由國家掌控的權(quán)力落入個人之手，令恐怖分子為非作歹的。

　　russia’s aggression towards former soviet states unnerves capitals in europe while china’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors.

　　不久前，俄羅斯派兵入侵前蘇聯(lián)加盟共和國——烏克蘭，這一軍事動作牽動歐洲各國神經(jīng)，與此同時，中國經(jīng)濟(jì)崛起及其軍事走向則引發(fā)鄰國擔(dān)憂。

　　from brazil to india, rising middle classes compete with us, and governments seek a greater say in global forums. and even as developing nations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social media makes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts, failing states and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice a generation ago.

　　從巴西到印度，新興中產(chǎn)階級在與我們展開競爭，此外，各國謀求在國際事務(wù)中爭取更多話語權(quán)。盡管發(fā)展中國家擁護(hù)民主、認(rèn)同市場經(jīng)濟(jì)，但全天候新聞以及社交媒體報(bào)道使得人們無法對接連發(fā)生在這些國家的派系沖突、國家衰敗與民眾暴動等事件視而不見。然而，這些對于上一代人而言，只能引來他們的“側(cè)目”罷了。

　　it will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world. the question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether america will lead but how we will lead, not just to secure our peace and prosperity but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe.

　　如何能在新形勢下有所作為的重?fù)?dān)就要落在你們這一代的肩上了。擺在我們面前的問題，不是美國是否處在領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位，而是她將如何引領(lǐng)各國;不只是美國能否實(shí)現(xiàn)繁榮發(fā)展，而是她如何能在全球范圍內(nèi)“播撒”和平與繁榮的“種子”，而這也是你們將來要面對的問題。

　　now, this question isn’t new. at least since george washington served as commander in chief, there have been those who warned against foreign entanglements that do not touch directly on our security or economic well-being.

　　這個問題并非新鮮。至少，自喬治-華盛頓就任總司令——即美國爆發(fā)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭以來，就存在一些警告的聲音，表示反對美國卷入與本國國家安全或經(jīng)濟(jì)福祉無直接關(guān)聯(lián)的外部紛爭之中。

　　today, according to self-described realists, conflicts in syria or ukraine or the central african republic are not ours to solve. and not surprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, that view is shared by many americans.

　　現(xiàn)在，那些自詡為現(xiàn)實(shí)主義者的人認(rèn)為，美國無需理會發(fā)生在敘利亞、烏克蘭，以及中非共和國的沖突。的確，在經(jīng)受了戰(zhàn)爭以及來自國內(nèi)的多重挑戰(zhàn)之后，這種觀點(diǎn)為許多美國人所認(rèn)同，這并不意外。

　　a different view, from interventionists from the left and right, says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril, that america’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate safeguard against chaos, and america’s failure to act in the face of syrian brutality or russian provocations not only violates our conscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future.

　　然而，干涉主義者對此持不同觀點(diǎn)。他們認(rèn)為，無視這些沖突最終會危及我們自身，美國在全球充當(dāng)“世界警察”角色的意愿能 夠最徹底地保衛(wèi)世界安全，使其免于陷入混亂。而若美國對敘利亞的暴亂或俄羅斯的挑釁撒手不管、無所作為的話，那么這不僅違背我們的良心，也會使得這些行徑 在未來愈演愈烈。

　　and each side can point to history to support its claims, but i believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment. it is absolutely true that in the 21st century, american isolationism is not an option. we don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyond our borders. if nuclear materials are not secure, that poses a danger to american citizens.

　　盡管雙方的觀點(diǎn)從歷史角度看都成立，但我認(rèn)為他們并沒有充分反映當(dāng)前形勢下的需求。顯然，對21世紀(jì)的美國而言，孤 立主義行不通。我們無法對發(fā)生在世界其他地區(qū)的事情漠然視之。例如，如果核燃料不安全，那么它就會威及美國人民的生命。

　　as the syrian civil war spills across borders, the capacity of battle-hardened extremist groups to come after us only increases. regional aggression that goes unchecked, whether in southern ukraine or the south china sea or anywhere else in the world, will ultimately impact our allies, and could draw in our military. we can’t ignore what happens beyond our boundaries.

　　隨著敘利亞內(nèi)戰(zhàn)戰(zhàn)火跨越邊境，受戰(zhàn)爭洗禮的極端組織攻擊美國的能力也在增強(qiáng)。地區(qū)沖突接踵而至，無論是在烏克蘭南部地區(qū)、南海亦或是世界其他地方，如果我們對此坐視不管，最終這將危及美國盟友的利益，美軍也會卷入其中。因此，我們必須時刻關(guān)注外界事態(tài)。

　　and beyond these narrow rationales, i believe we have a real stake -- abiding self-interest -- in making sure our children and our grandchildren grow up in a world where schoolgirls are not kidnapped; where individuals aren’t slaughtered because of tribe or faith or political belief.

　　此外，跳出這些狹隘的理論框架來看，我認(rèn)為大家還存在著一個真正的共同關(guān)切——持久的個人利益，那就是要始終確保我們的子孫后代成長在這樣一個世界當(dāng)中，在那里，人們不會因?yàn)榉N族、信仰或政治理念的迥異而劫持女學(xué)生或?yàn)E殺無辜。

　　i believe that a world of greater freedom and tolerance is not only a moral imperative; it also helps keep us safe.

　　我認(rèn)為，建設(shè)一個更加自由及包容的世界不僅在道德上勢在必行，而且有助于維護(hù)我們自身安全。

　　but to say that we have an interest in pursuing peace and freedom beyond our borders is not to say that every problem has a military solution. since world war ii, some of our most costly mistakes came not from our restraint but from our willingness to rush into military adventures without thinking through the consequences, without building international support and legitimacy for our action, without leveling with the american people about the sacrifices required. tough talk often draws headlines, but war rarely conforms to slogans. as general eisenhower, someone with hard-earned knowledge on this subject, said at this ceremony in 1947, “war is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly; to seek or advise its deliberate provocation is a black crime against all men.”

　　盡管我們有意向在全球倡導(dǎo)和平與自由，但這并不意味著我們要借助軍事手段來解決每個問題。二戰(zhàn)結(jié)束以來，我們所犯的那些嚴(yán)重的錯誤，皆源自我們傾向于以訴諸武力的方式來解決問題，而對后果考慮不周、缺乏國際支持及法律支持，也沒有向美國人民交代他們需要作出的犧牲，以使他們心中有數(shù)。雖然強(qiáng)硬的表態(tài)時常占據(jù)報(bào)紙頭條，但戰(zhàn)爭卻很少與口號“步調(diào)一致”。正如對這個問題深有體會的艾森豪威爾將軍(general eisenhower)，于1947年在西點(diǎn)軍校畢業(yè)典禮上所說的那樣：“戰(zhàn)爭是人類最悲慘、最愚笨的蠢行，無論是蓄意挑起戰(zhàn)爭，還是為其獻(xiàn)計(jì)獻(xiàn)策，這都是對全人類犯下的滔天罪行。”

　　like eisenhower, this generation of men and women in uniform know all too well the wages of war, and that includes those of you here at west point. four of the service members who stood in the audience when i announced the surge of our forces in afghanistan gave their lives in that effort. a lot more were wounded.

　　與他一樣，這一代的軍人——無論男女，都對戰(zhàn)爭理解深刻。這其中也包括了你們西點(diǎn)畢業(yè)生。在我宣布增兵阿富汗時，聽眾當(dāng)中的4名服役人員后來就在那里壯烈犧牲。此外，還有許多西點(diǎn)士兵受傷。

　　i believe america’s security demanded those deployments. but i am haunted by those deaths. i am haunted by those wounds. and i would betray my duty to you, and to the country we love, if i sent you into harm’s way simply because i saw a problem somewhere in the world that needed to be fixed, or because i was worried about critics who think military intervention is the only way for america to avoid looking weak.

　　我認(rèn)為，出于維護(hù)美國國家安全的考慮，這些軍事部署是很有必要的。但是，這些傷亡者的英魂和傷痛一直縈繞在我的腦海、令我難安。如果我將你們派上戰(zhàn)場，僅僅是因?yàn)槭澜缒车爻霈F(xiàn)問題需要處理，或是擔(dān)心批評家會將軍事不作為視作是美國軟弱的表現(xiàn)，那么，我就違背了自己對你們、對這個我們所愛國家的職責(zé)了。

　　here’s my bottom line: america must always lead on the world stage. if we don’t, no one else will. the military that you have joined is, and always will be, the backbone of that leadership. but u.s. military action cannot be the only -- or even primary -- component of our leadership in every instance. just because we have the best hammer does not mean that every problem is a nail.

　　我的底線是：美國必須在世界范圍保持領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。如果我們不能，沒人能。你們所加入的美軍，永遠(yuǎn)都是美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界的中堅(jiān)力量。但是美國的軍事行動不是我們展現(xiàn)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的唯一方式，更不是主要部分。因?yàn)殡m然我們有最好的錘子(美軍)，但并不意味著每個問題都是釘子。

　　and because the costs associated with military action are so high, you should expect every civilian leader -- and especially your commander in chief -- to be clear about how that awesome power should be used. so let me spend the rest of my time describing my vision for how the united states of america, and our military, should lead in the years to come, for you will be part of that leadership.

　　因?yàn)檐娛滦袆哟鷥r極大，所以你們應(yīng)該期望每個平民領(lǐng)袖——尤其是你們的總司令——清楚如何使用這一令人生畏的力量。所以，讓我用剩下的時間來描述一下我的想法：關(guān)于美國和美軍在未來幾年應(yīng)怎樣領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界，而你們將會成為領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界力量的一部分。

　　first, let me repeat a principle i put forward at the outset of my presidency: the united states will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it -- when our people are threatened; when our livelihoods are at stake; when the security of our allies is in danger.

　　首先，讓我重申一下我在就任總統(tǒng)時提出的原則：當(dāng)我們的核心利益需要的時候——我們的人民受到威脅、生計(jì)受到威脅、盟友的安全處于危險之中——如果有必要，美國將單方面使用軍事力量。

　　in these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actions are proportional and effective and just. international opinion matters, but america should never ask permission to protect our people, our homeland or our way of life. (applause.)

　　當(dāng)然在這些情況下，我們?nèi)匀恍枰獟行淖詥�，我們的行動是否合適有效公正。雖然國際輿論很重要，但是在保護(hù)我們的人民、祖國和生活方式這些問題上，美國不需要得到別人的許可。(掌聲)

　　on the other hand, when issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the united states, when such issues are at stake, when crises arise that stir our conscience or push the world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us, then the threshold for military action must be higher. in such circumstances, we should not go it alone. instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. we have to broaden our tools to include diplomacy and development, sanctions and isolation, appeals to international law, and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action. in such circumstances, we have to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely to succeed, more likely to be sustained, less likely to lead to costly mistakes.

　　另一方面，當(dāng)引起世界關(guān)注但沒有直接威脅到美國利益的危機(jī)產(chǎn)生時，當(dāng)這些問題亟待解決時，當(dāng)能觸動我們的良心或推動世界向更危險的方向發(fā)展但不對美國構(gòu)成直接威脅的危機(jī)出現(xiàn)時，我們更不能輕易采取軍事行動。在這種情況下，我們不應(yīng)該單打獨(dú)斗。相反，我們必須動員盟友和合作伙伴采取集體行動。我們應(yīng)該廣泛使用各種手段，包括外交和發(fā)展、制裁和孤立、訴諸于國際法，甚至在必要情況下采取多邊軍事行動。在這些情況下，我們必須與其他國家合作，因?yàn)榧�體行動更容易成功，持續(xù)性強(qiáng)，還可以減少代價慘痛的錯誤。”

　　this leads to my second point. for the foreseeable future, the most direct threat to america, at home and abroad, remains terrorism, but a strategy that involves invading every country that harbors terrorist networks is naive and unsustainable. i believe we must shift our counterterrorism strategy, drawing on the successes and shortcomings of our experience in iraq and afghanistan, to more effectively partner with countries where terrorist networks seek a foothold.

　　這引出了我的第二個觀點(diǎn)。在可預(yù)見的未來，不管國內(nèi)還是國外，對美國最直接的威脅仍是恐怖主義。但是，那種對每個包庇恐怖主義組織的國家都采取進(jìn)攻手段的戰(zhàn)略未免過于天真，也不可能長期進(jìn)行。我認(rèn)為，我們必須從伊拉克和阿富汗問題上汲取經(jīng)驗(yàn)和教訓(xùn)，將美國打擊恐怖主義的戰(zhàn)略轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榕c那些國內(nèi)有恐怖組織基地的國家進(jìn)行有效的伙伴合作。

　　and the need for a new strategy reflects the fact that today’s principal threat no longer comes from a centralized al-qaida leadership. instead it comes from decentralized al-qaida affiliates and extremists, many with agendas focused in the countries where they operate. and this lessens the possibility of large-scale 9/11-style attacks against the homeland, but it heightens the danger of u.s. personnel overseas being attacked, as we saw in benghazi. it heightens the danger to less defensible targets, as we saw in a shopping mall in nairobi. so we have to develop a strategy that matches this diffuse threat, one that expands our reach without sending forces that stretch our military too thin or stir up local resentments.

　　并且，對新戰(zhàn)略的需求反映出一個事實(shí)：今天我們主要的威脅不再是來自于基地組織的集中領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，而是來自分散的 “基地”組織分支機(jī)構(gòu)和極端分子，其中很多都在他們從事活動的國家內(nèi)進(jìn)行活動。雖然這種情況降低了美國本土遭受大規(guī)模911式襲擊的可能性，但是就像我們 在班加西(benghazi)看到的那樣，這會增加美國海外人員遇險的可能性。就像我們在內(nèi)羅畢(nairobi)購物商場看到的那樣，這還會增加防備薄 弱目標(biāo)遇險的可能性。因此，我們需要制定戰(zhàn)略應(yīng)對這種傳播式的威脅，這一戰(zhàn)略必須能夠在不派遣軍隊(duì)、避免戰(zhàn)線過長、避免引發(fā)當(dāng)?shù)夭粷M情緒的前提下擴(kuò)大我們 的影響力。

　　we need partners to fight terrorists alongside us. and empowering partners is a large part of what we have done and what we are currently doing in afghanistan. together with our allies, america struck huge blows against al-qaida core and pushed back against an insurgency that threatened to overrun the country.

　　我們需要合作伙伴一起打擊恐怖分子。我們在阿富汗已經(jīng)完成和正在進(jìn)行的工作，很大一部份是為了增進(jìn)伙伴的自治能力。在 與盟友的共同努力下，美國給基地組織核心造成了沉重的打擊，挫敗了其試圖顛覆國家的叛亂活動。

　　but sustaining this progress depends on the ability of afghans to do the job. and that’s why we trained hundreds of thousands of afghan soldiers and police. earlier this spring, those forces -- those afghan forces -- secured an election in which afghans voted for the first democratic transfer of power in their history. and at the end of this year, a new afghan president will be in office, and america’s combat mission will be over.

　　但是，決定這個進(jìn)程能否持續(xù)下去的是阿富汗人民在處理這一問題上的能力。這就是我們訓(xùn)練成千上萬的阿富汗士兵和警察的原因。今年春天早些時候，這些部隊(duì)，這些阿富汗部隊(duì)保障了選舉的進(jìn)行，阿富汗人為該國史上第一次政權(quán)的民主移交進(jìn)行了投票。今年年底，阿富汗新總統(tǒng)將上任，屆時美國作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)的使命也將完成。

　　now -- (applause) -- that was an enormous achievement made because of america’s armed forces. but as we move to a train and advise mission in afghanistan, our reduced presence there allows us to more effectively address emerging threats in the middle east and north africa. so earlier this year i asked my national security team to develop a plan for a network of partnerships from south asia to the sahel.

　　現(xiàn)在——(掌聲)——這就是美軍取得的巨大成就。但是當(dāng)我們在阿富汗的使命轉(zhuǎn)向訓(xùn)練和顧問時，我們減少駐軍以后可以更有效地應(yīng)對中東和北非新出現(xiàn)的威脅。因此在今年早些時候，我讓國家安全事務(wù)部門就南亞和薩赫勒地區(qū)的合作伙伴關(guān)系網(wǎng)制定了一個計(jì)劃。

　　today, as part of this effort, i am calling on congress to support a new counterterrorism partnerships fund of up to $5 billion, which will allow us to train, build capacity and facilitate partner countries on the front lines. and these resources will give us flexibility to fulfill different missions, including training security forces in yemen who’ve gone on the offensive against al-qaida, supporting a multinational force to keep the peace in somalia, working with european allies to train a functioning security force and border patrol in libya and facilitating french operations in mali.

　　今天，作為我們行動的一部分，我呼吁國會支持通過數(shù)額為50億美元的新反恐合作基金，以幫助我們的同盟伙伴訓(xùn)練軍隊(duì)、提升能力、支援他們的前線。這些資金也讓我們又更大的自由度完成各項(xiàng)任務(wù)。這些任務(wù)包括：為打擊基地組織的也門政府訓(xùn)練安全部隊(duì)以支持多國部隊(duì)維護(hù)索馬里地區(qū)和平，同歐洲盟友一起在利比亞訓(xùn)練出合格的安全部隊(duì)和邊防軍，以及協(xié)助法國在馬里的行動。

　　a critical focus of this effort will be the ongoing crisis in syria. as frustrating as it is, there are no easy answers there, no military solution that can eliminate the terrible suffering anytime soon. as president, i made a decision that we should not put american troops into the middle of this increasingly sectarian civil war, and i believe that is the right decision. but that does not mean we shouldn’t help the syrian people stand up against a dictator who bombs and starves his own people. and in helping those who fight for the right of all syrians to choose their own future, we are also pushing back against the growing number of extremists who find safe haven in the chaos.

　　我們努力的重中之重是敘利亞危機(jī)。令人沮喪的是，解決這一危機(jī)沒有捷徑。軍事行動不能立馬消除當(dāng)?shù)厝嗣竦纳钪貫?zāi)難。作為總統(tǒng)，我決定不派遣軍隊(duì)卷入這場愈演愈烈的宗派內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。我相信這是一個正確的決定。但是這并不意味著我們不去幫助敘利亞人民奮起反抗，反對殺害自己人民、讓人民挨餓的獨(dú)裁者。我們協(xié)助那些為了敘利亞人民能選擇自己未來而奮斗的人，同時也積極打擊在越來越多混亂之中找到避風(fēng)港的極端分子。

　　so with the additional resources i’m announcing today, we will step up our efforts to support syria’s neighbors -- jordan and lebanon, turkey and iraq -- as they contend with refugees and confront terrorists working across syria’s borders. i will work with congress to ramp up support for those in the syrian opposition who offer the best alternative to terrorists and brutal dictators. and we will continue to coordinate with our friends and allies in europe and the arab world to push for a political resolution of this crisis and to make sure that those countries and not just the united states are contributing their fair share of support to the syrian people.

　　有了今天我所宣布的資金，我們將會加大力度，支持約旦、黎巴嫩、土耳其、伊拉克這些敘利亞的鄰國。因?yàn)樗麄兊锰幚頂⒗麃嗊吘车碾y民、并打擊敘邊境的恐怖活動。我將與國會一起，加大對敘利亞反對派的支持。他們是替代恐怖分子和殘忍的獨(dú)裁者管理敘利亞最好的選擇。我們會繼續(xù)與我們的朋友、歐洲盟友和阿拉伯世界一起合作，推進(jìn)敘利亞危機(jī)的政治解決途徑，以保證在支持?jǐn)⒗麃喨嗣竦呐�力中，并非僅有美國在做出努力，其他這些國家也都參與其中。

　　let me make one final point about our efforts against terrorism. the partnerships i’ve described do not eliminate the need to take direct action when necessary to protect ourselves. when we have actionable intelligence, that’s what we do, through capture operations, like the one that brought a terrorist involved in the plot to bomb our embassies in 1998 to face justice, or drone strikes, like those we’ve carried out in yemen and somalia.

　　讓我就我們在反恐上的努力最后說一點(diǎn)。我所描述的伙伴關(guān)系并不排除為了保護(hù)美國而采取直接行動的可能。只要我們有可靠的情報(bào)，我們就會采取行動，比如1998年在我們大使館抓捕策劃安放炸彈的恐怖分子的行動，又如我們在也門和索馬里采取的無人機(jī)襲擊。

　　there are times when those actions are necessary and we cannot hesitate to protect our people. but as i said last year, in taking direct action, we must uphold standards that reflect our values. that means taking strikes only when we face a continuing, imminent threat, and only where there is no certainty -- there is near certainty of no civilian casualties, for our actions should meet a simple test: we must not create more enemies than we take off the battlefield.

　　有時我們必須馬上采取行動，因?yàn)槲覀冊诒Ｗo(hù)國民方面決不能有半點(diǎn)猶豫。但就像我去年說的，采取直接行動時，我們也要堅(jiān)守我們的價值觀。這就意味著只有我們面臨持續(xù)的或是眼前的威脅才會進(jìn)行打擊。在沒有把握的時候，即便我們幾乎能避免平民傷亡，我們的行動也必須達(dá)到一個簡單的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，那就是我們不能為了在戰(zhàn)場上擊斃敵人而樹立更多的敵人。

　　i also believe we must be more transparent about both the basis of our counterterrorism actions and the manner in which they are carried out. we have to be able to explain them publicly, whether it is drone strikes or training partners. i will increasingly turn to our military to take the lead and provide information to the public about our efforts. our intelligence community has done outstanding work and we have to continue to protect sources and methods, but when we cannot explain our efforts clearly and publicly, we face terrorist propaganda and international suspicion, we erode legitimacy with our partners and our people, and we reduce accountability in our own government.

　　我也相信我們必須在反恐行動的出發(fā)點(diǎn)和具體行動方式方面更為公開。不管是無人機(jī)打擊或是訓(xùn)練盟友的軍隊(duì)，我們必 須向公眾解釋我們的行動。我將會要求美軍帶頭，向公眾提供與我們行動相關(guān)的信息。我們的情報(bào)機(jī)構(gòu)工作出色，我們必須繼續(xù)保護(hù)我們的信息來源和獲取途徑。但 如果我們不能清楚、公開地解釋我們的行動，我們就會面對恐怖分子的大肆宣傳和國際社會的質(zhì)疑，就會在我們伙伴國和人民面前失去合法性，就會失去我們政府的 信譽(yù)。

　　and this issue of transparency is directly relevant to a third aspect of american leadership, and that is our effort to strengthen and enforce international order.

　　公開透明直接與美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位的第三個方面相關(guān)，也就是我們強(qiáng)化國際秩序的努力。

　　after world war ii, america had the wisdom to shape institutions to keep the peace and support human progress -- from nato and the united nations, to the world bank and imf. these institutions are not perfect, but they have been a force multiplier. they reduce the need for unilateral american action and increase restraint among other nations.

　　二戰(zhàn)之后，美國高瞻遠(yuǎn)矚，設(shè)立了從北約、聯(lián)合國到世界銀行、國際貨幣組織一系列機(jī)構(gòu)來維護(hù)人類和平、支持人類進(jìn)步。這 些機(jī)構(gòu)并不完美，但是他們將我們的力量放大了數(shù)倍。他們減少美國進(jìn)行單邊行動的需要，同時也增強(qiáng)了其他國家之間的制約能力。

　　now, just as the world has changed, this architecture must change as well. at the height of the cold war, president kennedy spoke about the need for a peace based upon a gradual evolution in human institutions. and evolving these international institutions to meet the demands of today must be a critical part of american leadership.

　　現(xiàn)在，世界已經(jīng)歷巨變，這一框架也需改變。冷戰(zhàn)時，肯尼迪總統(tǒng)曾談到對于以人類機(jī)構(gòu)逐漸改善為基礎(chǔ)的和平的需要。對這些機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)行改進(jìn)以達(dá)到今天的需求，是美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位的重要一環(huán)。

　　now, there are a lot of folks, a lot of skeptics who often downplay the effectiveness of multilateral action. for them, working through international institutions, like the u.n. or respecting international law, is a sign of weakness. i think they’re wrong. let me offer just two examples why.

　　現(xiàn)在有許多人，也有許多質(zhì)疑者經(jīng)常貶低多邊行動的有效性。對于他們而言，通過聯(lián)合國這類的多邊機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)行合作或者是尊重多邊規(guī)則，是一種懦弱的表現(xiàn)。我認(rèn)為他們錯了。讓我舉兩個例子來加以說明吧。

　　in ukraine, russia’s recent actions recall the days when soviet tanks rolled into eastern europe. but this isn’t the cold war. our ability to shape world opinion helped isolate russia right away. because of american leadership, the world immediately condemned russian actions, europe and the g-7 joined with us to impose sanctions, nato reinforced our commitment to eastern european allies, the imf is helping to stabilize ukraine’s economy, osce monitors brought the eyes of the world to unstable parts of ukraine.

　　俄羅斯最近在烏克蘭的舉動令我想起了蘇聯(lián)大批坦克開進(jìn)東歐的情形。但是現(xiàn)在不是冷戰(zhàn)時期。我們制造的國際輿論讓俄羅斯在短時間內(nèi)就被孤立。在美國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，國際社會馬上譴責(zé)俄羅斯的舉動，歐洲和七國集團(tuán)同我們一樣對其實(shí)施制裁，北大西洋公約組織恪守我們對東盟的承諾，國際貨幣基金組織正在幫助穩(wěn)定烏克蘭的經(jīng)濟(jì)，歐洲安全和合作組織也在關(guān)注烏克蘭不穩(wěn)定地區(qū)的發(fā)展。

　　and this mobilization of world opinion and international institutions served as acounterweight to russian propaganda and russian troops on the border and armed militias in ski masks.

　　世界觀點(diǎn)和國際機(jī)構(gòu)立場的轉(zhuǎn)變，可與俄羅斯的宣傳、其邊境的軍隊(duì)以及全副武裝的士兵相抗衡。

　　this weekend, ukrainians voted by the millions. yesterday, i spoke to their next president. we don’t know how the situation will play out, and there will remain grave challenges ahead, but standing with our allies on behalf of international order, working with international institutions, has given a chance for the ukrainian people to choose their future -- without us firing a shot.

　　這周末，數(shù)百萬的烏克蘭公民會進(jìn)行民主投票。昨天，我同他們下一屆的總統(tǒng)進(jìn)行了會談。我們不知道情況會如何演變，前方也仍存在巨大的挑戰(zhàn)，但是為了維護(hù)國際秩序，同我們的盟友一起，與國際組織進(jìn)行合作，這給了烏克蘭人民一個選擇他們未來的機(jī)會一一這并不需要費(fèi)一槍一彈。

　　similarly, despite frequent warnings from the united states and israel and others, the iranian nuclear program steadily advanced for years. but at the beginning of my presidency, we built a coalition that imposed sanctions on the iranian economy, while extending the hand of diplomacy to the iranian government. and now we have an opportunity to resolve our differences peacefully. the odds of success are still long, and we reserve all options to prevent iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. but for the first time in a decade, we have a very real chance of achieving a breakthrough agreement, one that is more effective and durable than what we could have achieved through the use of force. and throughout these negotiations, it has been our willingness to work through multilateral channels that kept the world on our side.

　　類似的是，盡管美國、以色列及其他國家不斷地對伊朗發(fā)出警告，伊朗核計(jì)劃仍持續(xù)進(jìn)行了好幾年。在我擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)職務(wù)初期，我們聯(lián)合對伊朗的經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)行了制裁，但同時也幫助伊朗政府進(jìn)行民主建設(shè)。現(xiàn)在我們有機(jī)會和平地解決我們的分歧。成功之路還十分漫長，我們要保留阻止伊朗獲得核武器的各種手段。十年來我們第一次真正有機(jī)會達(dá)成一項(xiàng)突破性的協(xié)定，這比我們用武力達(dá)成協(xié)定來得更有效，效果也更持久。通過這些磋商，我們愿意通過多邊途徑讓世界各國站在我們這一邊。

　　the point is, this is american leadership. this is american strength.

　　重點(diǎn)是，這是在美國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下進(jìn)行的。這是美國力量所在。

　　in each case, we built coalitions to respond to a specific challenge. now we need to do more to strengthen the institutions that can anticipate and prevent problems from spreading.

　　對于不同的事件，我們會建立不同的聯(lián)盟以應(yīng)對不同的挑戰(zhàn)。現(xiàn)在我們需要做更多來加強(qiáng)這些機(jī)構(gòu)預(yù)測和預(yù)防問題擴(kuò)散的能力。

　　for example, nato is the strongest alliance the world has ever known but we’re now working with nato allies to meet new missions both within europe, where our eastern allies must be reassured, but also beyond europe’s borders, where our nato allies must pull their weight to counterterrorism and respond to failed states and train a network of partners.

　　比如，眾所周知，北大西洋公約組織是世界上最強(qiáng)大的聯(lián)盟之一，但是我們現(xiàn)在同它進(jìn)行合作，以應(yīng)對其在歐洲內(nèi)部和其他 地區(qū)的新任務(wù)。在歐洲內(nèi)部，我們的東部盟國必須獲得保護(hù)。而在其他地區(qū)，我們北大西洋公約組織的盟國也必須有效地進(jìn)行反恐活動，幫助失利的國家并培養(yǎng)我們 的伙伴國。

　　likewise, the u.n. provides a platform to keep the peace in states torn apart by conflict. now, we need to make sure that those nations who provide peacekeepers have the training and equipment to actually keep the peace so that we can prevent the type of killing we’ve seen in congo and sudan. we are going to deepen our investment in countries that support these peacekeeping missions because having other nations maintain order in their own neighborhoods lessens the need for us to put our own troops in harm’s way. it’s a smart investment. it’s the right way to lead. (applause.)

　　同樣地，聯(lián)合國提供了一個平臺，以維護(hù)那些因沖突而分裂的國家的和平�，F(xiàn)在，我們需要確保那些提供了維和人員的 國家已接受了訓(xùn)練，配齊了裝備，能夠真正維護(hù)和平，這樣我們就能防止我們在剛果和蘇丹看到的那種殺戮。我們會加大對這些支持維和行動國家的投資。因?yàn)榱钇?他國家用自己的力量維持自己地盤的秩序，可以減少我們使用武力造成傷害的必要性。這是智慧的投資。這也是我們正確的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)之路。(掌聲雷動)

　　keep in mind, not all international norms relate directly to armed conflict. we have a serious problem with cyberattacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the road to secure our networks and our citizens. in the asia pacific, we’re supporting southeast asian nations as they negotiate a code of conduct with china on maritime disputes in the south china sea, and we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law.

　　但是要記住，不是所有的國際準(zhǔn)則都與軍事沖突直接相關(guān)。我們面臨著網(wǎng)絡(luò)黑客攻擊問題，這也是我們致力于實(shí)施和加強(qiáng)在網(wǎng)絡(luò)中的行 為準(zhǔn)則，以保護(hù)我們的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)和我們的公民的原因。在亞太地區(qū)，我們支持東南亞國家同中國協(xié)商在中國南海海事糾紛中的行為準(zhǔn)則，同時我們也支持通過國際法解 決這些糾紛。

　　that spirit of cooperation needs to energize the global effort to combat climate change, a creeping national security crisis that will help shape your time in uniform, as we are called on to respond to refugee flows and natural disasters, and conflicts over water and food, which is why, next year, i intend to make sure america is out front in putting together a global framework to preserve our planet.

　　我們需要用合作的精神激勵全球努力應(yīng)對氣候變化，這是一個日益嚴(yán)重的國家安全危機(jī)，決定你們從軍期間的整體形勢。我們要 應(yīng)對難民流動、自然災(zāi)害，水資源和食物的問題。這也是我下一年計(jì)劃確保美國能夠帶頭建立一個保護(hù)我們星球的全球框架的原因。

　　you see, american influence is always stronger when we lead by example. we cannot exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everyone else. we can’t call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it is taking place. we can’t try to resolve problems in the south china sea when we have refused to make sure that the law of the sea convention is ratified by the united states senate, despite the fact that our top military leaders say the treaty advances our national security. that’s not leadership. that’s retreat. that’s not strength; that’s weakness. it would be utterly foreign to leaders like roosevelt and truman, eisenhower and kennedy.

　　大家知道，但凡美國以身說法，實(shí)現(xiàn)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，美國的影響力就會加大。大家都普遍遵循的規(guī)則，我們不能不遵守;如果我們多數(shù) 領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人否認(rèn)氣候變化這一事實(shí)，我們也就無法號召大家齊心協(xié)力，共對氣候變化。雖然我國軍方高層領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人都認(rèn)為《海洋法公約》的通過會提高我國的國家安全，但 如果我們無法確保美國參議院通過該公約，我們也就無法解決中國南海問題。這都不是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，是退縮;不是強(qiáng)大，是軟弱。這與羅斯福，杜魯門，艾森豪威爾，肯尼 迪等領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的風(fēng)格截然相反。

　　i believe in american exceptionalism with every fiber of my being. but what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm them through our actions.(applause.)

　　我對美國例外主義深信不疑。但讓我們例外的并不是美國通過實(shí)際行動重申國際準(zhǔn)則與國際法，而是我們愿意通過實(shí)際行動彰顯這些國際準(zhǔn)則。(掌聲)

　　and that’s why i will continue to push to close gitmo, because american values and legal traditions do not permit the indefinite detention of people beyond our borders. (applause.) that’s why we’re putting in place new restrictions on how america collects and uses intelligence -- because we will have fewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conducting surveillance against ordinary citizens. (applause.) america does not simply stand for stability or the absence of conflict, no matter what the cost; we stand for the more lasting peace that can only come through opportunity and freedom for people everywhere -- which brings me to the fourth and final element of american leadership: our willingness to act on behalf of human dignity.

　　這是我堅(jiān)持推進(jìn)關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄的原因，美國價值觀與法律傳統(tǒng)不容許在美國境外無限期關(guān)押人員。(掌聲) 這是我們近來限制美國情報(bào)收集與使用方式的原因，如果美國一意孤行，繼續(xù)監(jiān)控普通民眾的話，美國的合作伙伴勢必會減少，效率勢必會更為低下。(掌聲)美國并不支持不惜任何代價維護(hù)穩(wěn)定或消除沖突;我們支持擁護(hù)唯有機(jī)遇與自由可以為世界各國人民帶來的更為持久的和平。這是我要談的美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力量的第四個、也是最后一個要素，那就是我們愿為人類尊嚴(yán)而努力奮斗。

　　america’s support for democracy and human rights goes beyond idealism; it is a matter of national security. democracies are our closest friends and are far less likely to go to war. economies based on free and open markets perform better and become markets for our goods. respect for human rights is an antidote to instability and the grievances that fuel violence and terror.

　　美國對民主與人權(quán)的主張勝過對理想主義的追求;這是關(guān)乎國家安全的大計(jì)。民主國家是美國最親密的盟友，民主國家絕不可能走向戰(zhàn)爭�；�于自由開放的經(jīng)濟(jì)體發(fā)揮著更加積極的作用，也逐漸成為我國產(chǎn)品的目的市場。尊重人權(quán)有利于改善動蕩局勢，緩和不滿情緒，遏制暴力及恐怖的滋生。

　　a new century has brought no end to tyranny. in capitals around the globe -- including, unfortunately, some of america’s partners -- there has been a crackdown on civil society. the cancer of corruption has enriched too many governments and their cronies and enraged citizens from remote villages to iconic squares.

　　新世紀(jì)早已到來，暴政卻還未終結(jié)。不幸地，在一些國家，包括美國的伙伴國家在內(nèi)，鎮(zhèn)壓依然存在于公民社會中。腐敗的毒瘤養(yǎng)富了政府官員及其裙帶密友，但也激怒了全國各地的普通民眾。

　　and watching these trends, or the violent upheavals in parts of the arab world, it’s easy to be cynical. but remember that because of america’s efforts -- because of american diplomacy and foreign assistance, as well as the sacrifices of our military -- more people live under elected governments today than at any time in human history. technology is empowering civil society in ways that no iron fist can control. new breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. and even the upheaval of the arab world reflects the rejection of an authoritarian order that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-term prospect of more responsive and effective governance.

　　想想這些現(xiàn)實(shí)潮流，想想阿拉伯世界的暴力動亂，我們很容易變得憤世嫉俗。但要記住，是美國的努力奮斗，美國的外交政策，美國的對外援助，還有美國軍人的無私奉獻(xiàn)，使得更多人在民選政府的管理之下安居樂業(yè)，這在歷史上無可比擬。科技賦予公民社會更多權(quán)利，這也是鐵臂金剛所控制不了的。得益于科技新突破，千百萬人擺脫貧困。甚至是阿拉伯世界的動亂也反映了人們對動蕩獨(dú)裁秩序的摒棄，也產(chǎn)生了對一個更為有求必應(yīng)的更有效率政府管理的長期愿景。

　　in countries like egypt, we acknowledge that our relationship is anchored in security interests, from peace treaties to israel to shared efforts against violent extremism. so we have not cut off cooperation with the new government, but we can and will persistently press for reforms that the egyptian people have demanded.

　　在埃及這樣的國家，我們承認(rèn)從和平條約到與以色列共同對抗暴力極端主義等安全利益方面，我們的關(guān)系停滯不前。我們沒有切斷與埃及新政府的往來合作，但我們有能力，也會堅(jiān)持推進(jìn)埃及人民要求的各項(xiàng)改革措施。

　　and meanwhile, look at a country like myanmar, which only a few years ago was an intractable dictatorship and hostile to the united states. forty million people. thanks to the enormous courage of the people in that country, and because we took the diplomatic initiative, american leadership, we have seen political reforms opening a once- closed society; a movement by myanmar leadership away from partnership with north korea in favor of engagement with america and our allies.

　　同時，再看看緬甸，僅僅幾年前還是頑固獨(dú)裁之地，還對美國持?jǐn)硨�態(tài)度。多虧四千萬緬甸人的巨大勇氣，多虧美國主動開啟的外交之旅，多虧美國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力量的共同作用，我們看到了可喜的政治變革，看到了一個曾經(jīng)閉關(guān)的社會重新開放;緬甸領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人避與朝鮮合作，為的是實(shí)現(xiàn)與美國及美國同盟更好的交流往來。

　　we’re now supporting reform and badly needed national reconciliation through assistance and investment, through coaxing and, at times, public criticism. and progress there could be reversed, but if myanmar succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot -- american leadership.

　　現(xiàn)在，通過投資援助、公開批評與感召勸服，我們支持緬甸改革、支持緬甸人民渴望的民族和解。發(fā)展進(jìn)程可能會倒退逆轉(zhuǎn)，如果不費(fèi)一兵一卒，如果緬甸取得成功，我們也就多了個合作伙伴，這就是美國的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力量。

　　in each of these cases, we should not expect change to happen overnight. that’s why we form alliances -- not only with governments, but also with ordinary people. for unlike other nations, america is not afraid of individual empowerment. we are strengthened by it. we’re strengthened by civil society. we’re strengthened by a free press. we’re strengthened by striving entrepreneurs and small businesses. we’re strengthened by educational exchange and opportunity for all people and women and girls. that’s who we are. that’s what we represent. (applause.)

　　任何時候我們不能指望改變一蹴而就。所以我們必須結(jié)盟，不僅與政府結(jié)盟，也與普通民眾結(jié)成盟友。與其他國家不同，美國從不畏懼個人力量，而是從中汲取能量。公民社會，自由輿論，創(chuàng)業(yè)人才，小型企業(yè)，教育交流以及針對全社會面向婦女兒童敞開的機(jī)會之門無一不是我們的力量之源。這就是美國人，這才是美國夢。

　　i saw that through a trip to africa last year, where american assistance has made possible the prospect of an aids-free generation, while helping africans care themselves for their sick. we’re helping farmers get their products to market to feed populations once endangered by famine. we aim to double access to electricity in sub- saharan africa so people are connected to the promise of the global economy. and all this creates new partners and shrinks the space for terrorism and conflict.

　　去年的非洲之行讓我看到美國向非洲伸出援手，治病救人，使得一代非洲人遠(yuǎn)離艾滋的愿景成為可能。我們幫助當(dāng)?shù)剞r(nóng)民銷售農(nóng)產(chǎn)品，令倍受饑荒折磨的人們不再挨餓。我們?yōu)槿龉�拉以南的非洲地區(qū)帶去光明，讓全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的累累碩果惠及當(dāng)?shù)匕傩�。如此一來，既催生了新的合作伙伴，也搗毀了恐怖主義與暴力沖突的溫床。

　　now, tragically, no american security operation can eradicate the threat posed by anextremist group like boko haram -- the group that kidnapped those girls.

　　遺憾的是，目前美國安全行動還未能根除由極端組織帶來的威脅，例如綁架女童的博科圣地(boko haram)。

　　and that’s we have to focus not just on rescuing those girls right away, but also on supporting nigerian efforts to educate its youth. this should be one of the hard-earned lessons of iraq and afghanistan, where our military became the strongest advocate for diplomacy and development. they understood that foreign assistance is not an afterthought -- something nice to do apart from our national defense, apart from our national security. it is part of what makes us strong.

　　我們要做的不僅是解救被困女童，還應(yīng)支持尼日利亞發(fā)展青年教育事業(yè)。我們在伊拉克與阿富汗的寶貴經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明美軍已成為外交與發(fā)展最強(qiáng)勁的倡導(dǎo)者。戰(zhàn)士們都明白對外援助并非事后諸葛亮，而是和國防及國土安全一樣不可偏廢的崇高事業(yè)。我們也因此變得強(qiáng)大。

　　now, ultimately, global leadership requires us to see the world as it is, with all its danger and uncertainty. we have to be prepared for the worst, prepared for every contingency, but american leadership also requires us to see the world as it should be -- a place where the aspirations of individual human beings really matters, where hopes and not just fears govern; where the truths written into our founding documents can steer the currents of history in the direction of justice. and we cannot do that without you.

　　現(xiàn)在，最后我要說引領(lǐng)全球的使命要求我們直視這個充滿危險與動蕩的世界。除了未雨綢繆，防患于未然，我們別無選擇，但這并不妨礙我們勾畫未來世界的藍(lán)圖——人人心懷希望，凡事不再畏懼，讓寫入憲章的真理引領(lǐng)我們在通往正義的大道上勇往直前。這一切就看你們的了。

　　class of , you have taken this time to prepare on the quiet banks of the hudson. you leave this place to carry forward a legacy that no other military in human history can claim. you do so as part of a team that extends beyond your units or even our armed forces, for in the course of your service, you will work as a team with diplomats and development experts.

　　各位XX屆畢業(yè)生，過去的你們是哈德遜河畔(西點(diǎn)軍校所在地)的學(xué)子，而今后離開象牙塔的你們將承載這份榮耀延續(xù)美國軍隊(duì)的輝煌。作為部隊(duì)的一員，每一位履行職責(zé)的你們終將匯聚成美國武裝部隊(duì)，因?yàn)樵谶@一過程中，你們實(shí)際上是在同外交官與發(fā)展專家并肩作戰(zhàn)。

　　you’ll get to know allies and train partners. and you will embody what it means for america to lead the world.

　　你們將結(jié)識盟友，培養(yǎng)搭檔，用你們的實(shí)際行動告訴世界對美國來說領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界意味著什么。

　　next week i will go to normandy to honor the men who stormed the beaches there. and while it’s hard for many americans to comprehend the courage and sense of duty that guided those who boarded small ships, it’s familiar to you. at west point, you define what it means to be a patriot.

　　下周，我將參加諾曼底登陸70周年紀(jì)念活動。盡管許多美國人難以對諾曼底號船員的魄力與責(zé)任感感同身受，但是你們可以。在西點(diǎn)軍校，愛國者的形象由你們來塑造。

　　three years ago gavin white graduated from this academy. he then served in afghanistan. like the soldiers who came before him, gavin was in a foreign land, helping people he’d never met, putting himself in harm’s way for the sake of his community and his family and the folks back home. gavin lost one of his legs in an attack. i met him last year at walter reed. he was wounded but just as determined as the day that he arrived here at west point. and he developed a simple goal. today his sister morgan will graduate. and true to his promise, gavin will be there to stand and exchange salutes with her. (cheers, applause.)

　　3年前，加文-懷特(gavin white)從西點(diǎn)畢業(yè)，前往阿富汗服役。和每一位投身阿富汗前線的士兵一樣，加文背井離鄉(xiāng)，幫助素未謀面的當(dāng)?shù)厝耍瑸榱塑婈?duì)，家人和美國人民的利益不辭勞苦。加文在一次戰(zhàn)斗中不幸失去一條腿。去年我在沃爾特-里德(walter reed)陸軍醫(yī)療中心見過他。盡管負(fù)了傷，他仍然像剛進(jìn)西點(diǎn)時一樣，不忘初心，并且立下另一個志愿。 今天，他的妹妹摩根(morgan)也將從這里畢業(yè)。加文終于能夠兌現(xiàn)當(dāng)初的承諾，和妹妹互敬軍禮。

　　we have been through a long season of war. we have faced trials that were not foreseen and we’ve seen divisions about how to move forward. but there is something in gavin’s character, there is something in the american character, that will always triumph.

　　我們經(jīng)歷了戰(zhàn)爭的洗禮，經(jīng)受過突如其來的考驗(yàn)，開辟出前進(jìn)的道路。但是有一樣?xùn)|西烙在加文的骨子里，鐫刻在美國人與生俱來的品質(zhì)中，使得我們所向披靡。

　　leaving here, you carry with you the respect of your fellow citizens. you will represent a nation with history and hope on our side. your charge now is not only to protect our country, but to do what is right and just. as your commander in chief, i know you will. may god bless you. may god bless our men and women in uniform. and may god bless the united states of america. (cheers, applause.)

　　你們心系祖國人民，離開西點(diǎn)。你們代表的是一個歷經(jīng)風(fēng)雨，躊躇滿志的美國。你們的使命不僅是保家衛(wèi)國，更是伸張正義。身為最高統(tǒng)帥，我對你們充滿信心。愿上帝保佑你們，保佑美國公民，保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國。(歡呼，掌聲)

　　自我穿上軍裝，就融入了這片藍(lán)色的海洋。博學(xué)名志，利劍空天的校訓(xùn)在我腦海中烙下了永遠(yuǎn)難忘的印跡，我感悟著直線加方塊的韻律，贊嘆著粉筆與黑板的撞擊，感動著驍勇與悲壯的交響，憧憬著戰(zhàn)火與血汗的洗禮。是什么讓軍人斑斕的本色，那就是信念與精神的巨大力量

　　記得大學(xué)第一課，教授在屏幕上打出這樣一行：“最后一課”，大家頓時摸不著頭腦，只聽他語重心長地說：“同學(xué)們，你們記得都德的悲憤與無奈么?外敵入侵，在自己的祖國連母語都學(xué)不成。今天，盡管和平與發(fā)展是時代的主題，然而世界并不太平，戰(zhàn)爭離我們并不遙遠(yuǎn)。我們要居安思危，時刻準(zhǔn)備為祖國而戰(zhàn)。”大家陷入了沉思，不知是誰拍了第一下手，雷鳴般的掌聲便經(jīng)久不息。一種憂患意識和使命感在我心中油然而生。

　　xx年7月，大學(xué)教學(xué)改革如火如荼，升入進(jìn)入大四的我來到了空軍某部實(shí)習(xí)，在部隊(duì)的榮譽(yù)室里我看到了一個熟悉的名，我心頭一震，他不就是我同學(xué)的父親么!他在執(zhí)行一項(xiàng)我軍尖端裝備試驗(yàn)飛行時不幸壯烈犧牲。我想起這位同學(xué)曾告訴我，父親長年在部隊(duì)工作，她出生時、高考時、甚至18歲成人的生日時，父親都不在身邊;她的奶奶在彌留之際用微弱的聲音不斷地念叨著她父親的名，家人也曾給父親打電話，可他參加的科研正在關(guān)鍵時刻，走不開，忠孝不能兩全的信念使他毅然選擇留在了工作。后來，她父親探親回家跪在奶奶的墳前，磕了三個響頭，留出了血一般的眼淚，望著蒼天，一遍遍地說：“母親啊，兒子回來了，可是我再也看不到您了，兒子不孝，沒能見您最后一面。”英雄如今也魂化藍(lán)天，那里是他的歸宿。他背后究竟是怎樣一種力量，讓我們熱血沸騰?

　　后來實(shí)習(xí)教員帶我們?nèi)ツ暇┯昊üΦ聢@，我看了那位同學(xué)父親的墓志銘，頓時便明白了一切。是他為祖國現(xiàn)代化國防事業(yè)奉獻(xiàn)一切的精神，使他甘愿舍棄常人的生活。我的心靈又一次被震撼。烈士的事跡使我深深感到，學(xué)習(xí)知識要有精神的動力，精神的力量對我軍做好軍事斗爭準(zhǔn)備，忠實(shí)履行新時期的歷史使命是多么的重要。實(shí)習(xí)回校后，我確立了考取思想政治教育專業(yè)研究生的目標(biāo)，并如愿以償。

　　我追求到了一把精神利劍，那是愛黨愛國，抉擇無悔的利劍;那是責(zé)任使命，奉獻(xiàn)軍營的利劍;那是科技強(qiáng)軍，時不我待的利劍!正是這把利劍，使我在軍校中成長，我將用這把利劍開啟更多人的心靈，把我的一生獻(xiàn)給綠色的軍營，偉大的祖國!

　　演講之前，我先給大家放一段錄音。(放磁帶)聽出來是什么聲音了嗎 是腳步聲，但它不是普通的腳步聲，它是一位英雄十三年前留下的足音。

　　他叫金相哲，大連陸軍學(xué)院首屆本科生，畢業(yè)時參加了保衛(wèi)祖國邊疆的戰(zhàn)斗。戰(zhàn)前那一天，恰好是他23歲的生日，突擊隊(duì)員都對著錄音機(jī)留下了"遺言"，輪到他時，他沒有講一句話，只是對著錄音機(jī)，"咚咚咚"地甩開了正步。也許，這聲音沒給兩鬢染霜的母親捎去更多的話語；也許這聲音沒有給朝夕相伴的同學(xué)留下更多的豪言。但這23個有力的腳步聲，展現(xiàn)出當(dāng)代軍校大學(xué)生在面臨生死考驗(yàn)時的堅(jiān)定與從容。

　　戰(zhàn)后，金相哲榮立了一等功。鮮花飄香，掌聲雷動，他的前程一片錦繡�？伤�偏偏選擇了做一名普通的軍事教員。有人勸他說:"以你現(xiàn)在的功勞，找個更好的位置不是易如反掌嗎 "他淡淡地說:"鮮花有枯萎的時候，掌聲有停止的時候，一等功只能說明過去。"

　　就這樣，金相哲拖著一條被彈片打殘的手臂，開始在三尺講臺上創(chuàng)造他人生的再一次輝煌。他的課講得越來越出色，他的文章頻頻見于報(bào)刊，他先后被學(xué)院評為優(yōu)秀教員和優(yōu)秀共產(chǎn)黨員，被沈陽軍區(qū)樹為學(xué)雷鋒標(biāo)兵。然而，正當(dāng)他的事業(yè)邁向更高的臺階時，病魔悄然而至。在他病危時，收到了戰(zhàn)友們湊在一起寄來的2100元錢和一封信，勉勵他"一定要挺住，我們一起跨進(jìn)21世紀(jì)"�？赐晷潘麖�(qiáng)忍著淚水對院首長和親人說:"21世紀(jì)的大門我是跨不進(jìn)去了，再也不能為學(xué)院做什么了，有撫恤金的話，就捐給學(xué)院作育才獎勵基金吧……"1994年3月20日，年僅31歲的金相哲走了。

　　"絕美的風(fēng)景，常在奇險的山川；絕美的音樂，常是悲涼的韻調(diào)；高尚的生活，常在壯烈的犧牲之中。"金相哲的青春不正是一道絕美的風(fēng)景嗎 他的足音不正是一首絕美的音樂嗎 金相哲用青春，熱血和璀璨的生命，把"軍校大學(xué)生"這個名擦得雪亮。

　　有人說:進(jìn)入21世紀(jì)的入場券是外語，電腦和汽車駕駛。但是，作為軍校大學(xué)生，僅僅擁有這些是遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不夠的。如果沒有獻(xiàn)身國防的堅(jiān)定信念，再高的學(xué)識，再大的本領(lǐng)，也只能是"個人利益"的敲門磚。那么，作為當(dāng)代軍校大學(xué)生，應(yīng)該具有怎樣的素質(zhì)呢 或許我們可以從侯善良身上找到滿意的答案。

　　1997年7月10日，《解放軍報(bào)》頭版頭條報(bào)道了"碩士畢業(yè)生侯善良舉家進(jìn)藏"的消息，在軍內(nèi)外引起了轟動。我要告訴大家一個秘密，侯善良正是金相哲在軍校的同班同學(xué)。侯善良在人生轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)上的四次抉擇，已在我院傳為佳話。1982年他的高考成績可以上地方重點(diǎn)院校，但他選擇了軍校；1986年軍校畢業(yè)，他緊隨戰(zhàn)友金相哲上了前線，并榮立了二等功；前線歸來他不進(jìn)機(jī)關(guān)下基層，很快成為一名優(yōu)秀的基層干部；1994年，侯善良考取了國防大學(xué)合同戰(zhàn)役研究生，畢業(yè)前夕，他謝絕了幾個單位要挽留他在京工作的好意，毅然決然地做出抉擇——舉家進(jìn)藏，再創(chuàng)輝煌。他在母校和學(xué)員座談時說:"我何嘗不知留京之美，又何嘗不知進(jìn)藏之苦，但我是軍校培養(yǎng)出來的大學(xué)生，理應(yīng)到祖國最需要的地方去！"四次重大抉擇，四次人生淬火，百煉鋼成繞指柔。

　　關(guān)山蒼蒼，征程漫漫，攜妻挈子走向雪域高原的侯善良，再一次把軍校大學(xué)生這個名擦得雪亮！

　　有句話說得好:如果你選擇了遠(yuǎn)方，就把背影留給地平線吧。青春因年輕而美麗，青春以絢麗而奪目，青青更因價值而壯美。戰(zhàn)友們，同學(xué)們，讓我們用報(bào)效祖國的赤誠之情，把自己鍛鑄成衛(wèi)國軍旅的寶鋒利劍，踏著英雄的足跡跨進(jìn)21世紀(jì)的大門！